May 22, 1997, the latest date by which the next general election
must be held, may seem a little too remote for construction to get
desperately excited about the Labour Party's opinion poll
popularity. But that, of course, is to disregard the far likelier
truth that the Government's political difficulties will force a
snap election at some much more imminent stage. Many who have
suffered in this industry will fervently hope that this election
will at last draw the curtains on the Tory Party's tenure on power
since 1979.
It is this later scenario that makes the current contacts between
construction chiefs and senior Labour politicians crucial ones for
our industry.
To illustrate through just one example, it was only when JT Design
chief executive Roy Paramour was able to meet with Labour Arts
spokesman Mark Fisher last year that the Party desisted from its
irrational yet strongly voiced attacks on design and build.
The contractors talking now with Labour are unlikely to have such
instant success on, say, the future role of unions and direct
labour organisations. But there are many other issues where frank
exchanges now may nip future acrimony in the bud, or even help
steer Labour towards positively helpful policy initiatives.
Encouragingly, what is emerging from talks held so far is that
Labour appears to be a party that construction can do business
with. On issues like harnessing the slumbering capital receipt
billions to rebuild ravaged communities and get the unemployed back
to work, Labour has a deep commitment that will benefit the
industry enormously.
This traditional neo-Keynesian thinking is to be expected, and is
no less welcome for that. But over and beyond this, so keen is
Labour to show its new reformed status, that is eagerly stealing
Tory clothes. The private finance initiative has been warmly
embraced by the socialists and there are promises that anything the
Tories can do here, 'we can do better'.
Similarly housing. Housebuilders federation president Charles
Gallagher is not alone in seeing the Opposition as more friendly to
hearth and home than its time-honoured promoters at Central Office.
A little of the inflation growth that has so often accompanied
Labour during its previous spells at the tiller would, needless to
say, not go amiss for either this sector or property developers
generally.
Whether all these two-way charm offensives amount to true love is
still too early to say. It is after all a fact that though
construction output is generally boosted under Labour, the
industry's politics incline towards the right. Rising tax rates
under socialism firmly underpin that natural sympathy. And however
abysmally the Tories have performed their economic duties during
this present term of office, it is clear that they can rely on the
grudging, deeply grudging, support of many of those who currently
tell pollsters they will be voting Labour.
For Tony Blair to truly woo this industry, he will have to convince
them the tax burden will not increase substantially. It would be
ironic indeed, therefore, if the private finance initiative - since
1979, the Tories' pet ploy in theory if not in deed - allows Labour
to deliver its rebuilding programme without recourse to boosting
income tax.